For generations, Indigenous groups residing in coastal areas have harvested seagrass for various purposes, including food, medicine, and construction. For example, members of the Kwakwaka鈥檞akw Straits and Coast Salish Nations have traditionally consumed eelgrass rhizomes. For Indigenous peoples, eelgrass is not an extractable resource鈥攔ather, it is a living member of the community with which they cohabitate. Thus, it is imperative to them that eelgrass stewardship is guided by holistic knowledge that emphasizes kinship and relationality.
Eelgrass ecosystems are also ecologically important in several ways鈥攖hey can act as nursery habitat for young fish and invertebrates, feeding grounds for larger fish, and even food for certain species. In addition, they can sequester carbon at an impressive rate鈥攔esearchers estimate that seagrasses alone sequester 10% of all blue carbon buried in the ocean every year at a rate 35 times faster than tropical rain forests. Eelgrass ecosystems can also act as buffers against stormwater and coastal erosion.
Unfortunately, eelgrass ecosystems are experiencing large declines due to a variety of causes, including pollution, warming waters caused by climate change, and disturbance from construction and boating activity. Researchers estimate that almost one third of eelgrass has been lost to these factors globally.
Because of the ecological and cultural importance of eelgrass, Western science researchers around the world have begun to partner with Indigenous groups to solve the issue of eelgrass decline. This exemplifies a practice known as Etuaptmumk, or Two-Eyed Seeing, which was first defined Mi鈥檏maq Elder Albert Marshall as 鈥渓earning to see from one eye with the strengths of Indigenous ways of knowing and from the other eye with the strengths of Western ways of knowing and to use both of those eyes together鈥 (Bartlett, Marshall & Marshall, 2012). Rather than privileging one way of knowing over the other, Two-Eyed Seeing encourages the usage of Indigenous and Western ways of knowing in tandem.
Historically, Western science has been uplifted as the 鈥渃orrect鈥 or only form of scientific knowing, and in the process Traditional Ecological Knowledge, which is broadly defined as place-specific knowledge acquired by Indigenous peoples through generations of direct contact with the area, has been discredited as an 鈥渋nvalid鈥 form of science. However, some government agencies have come to realize the importance of using Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Western Science in tandem considering their ability to inform one another. The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service and Alaska鈥檚 Fish and Game Division have also used Traditional Ecological Knowledge, particularly observations from local residents on ecology, harvest, and use of salmon and other species to monitor local fish populations.
For Indigenous groups, the process of restoring eelgrass is seen as a healing practice that mends a strained relationship between humans and the ecosystem. Indigenous-led revitalization efforts aim to reassert traditional practices and strengthen long-term relationships with eelgrass ecosystems. The following are several examples of this practice of Two-Eyed Seeing in eelgrass restoration.
Community Eelgrass Restoration Initiative (Nova Scotia)
As previously mentioned, eelgrass is critically important in supporting the livelihoods of various species. Kataq, or American eel (Anguilla rostrata), rely on eelgrass beds as nursery and feeding habitat, and they are culturally and spiritually significant to the Mi鈥檏maq Tribe, who reside on Mi鈥檏ma鈥檏i, or what is known as Canada鈥檚 Atlantic provinces. For the Mi鈥檏maq, the practice of eel fishing is a way rekindle relationships with eels, water, and nature in general, and this practice is passed onto successive generations, keeping the knowledge alive and embedded within the community. Unfortunately, among other anthropogenic factors, the degradation of eelgrass ecosystems in Nova Scotia has contributed to a decline in eel populations.
To study the past and present eelgrass populations of Mi鈥檏maki and restore these vital ecosystems, the Confederacy of Mi鈥檏maw Nations partnered with Dalhousie University to establish the Community Eelgrass Restoration Initiative, which states a commitment to following Etuaptmumk as well as Netukulimk, which the Unama鈥檏i Institute of Natural Resources defines as achieving adequate standards of community nutrition and economic well-being without jeopardizing integrity, diversity, or productivity of the environment.
Researchers in Dalhousie University鈥檚 Future of Marine Ecosystems Lab incorporate Mi鈥檏maw best practices in their methodologies, particularly through working with Mi鈥檏maw community harvesters and knowledge holders in the documentation of eelgrass species and identifying ideal planting locations that might result in highest survivorship rates for the eelgrass. Researchers from the lab have also collaboratively planted eelgrass sods and shoots with Mi鈥檏maw communities.
Cree Nation (Northern Quebec)
Beginning in the late 1990s, Cree land users noted large declines in the once-abundant eelgrass beds in the James Bay region. Canada geese, which are a source of food and cultural significance to the Cree, rely heavily on eelgrass, so as the eelgrass declined, so did the geese. Researchers found that of the area鈥檚 main industrial sectors, hydroelectric development had the greatest impact on eelgrass degradation in Eeyou Istchee. Thus, in 2016, the Cree Nation, Hydro-Quebec, and the Niskamoon Corporation signed a research agreement to study the ecology of the coastal region of eastern James Bay and its use by waterfowl. This agreement aimed to prioritize the integration of Cree Traditional Ecological Knowledge with Western scientific research methods to conduct a comprehensive study of the coastal habitat with an emphasis on eelgrass and Canada geese. The research protocol also strongly promoted community involvement, specifying that coastal Cree land users must participate in all fieldwork.
Cree knowledge was integrated into this study in multiple ways, including semi-structured interviews conducted by researchers and the dissemination of Cree historical knowledge. For example, Cree knowledge holders provided insights on goose feeding behavior and flux in the riverine and coastal environments from the 1970s to the present day. Co-development was also prioritized in the research proposal, meaning that the research agenda had to be developed to meet the explicit needs of Cree community members. One of the ways in which this manifested was allowing Cree land users ultimate authority over coastal field activities.
Additionally, community engagement was prioritized throughout the course of this research project. Researchers and research partners conducted outreach at Cree schools and festive events, which aimed to increase engagement of Cree youth in natural science. Community members were also engaged through direct participation in field activities.
Finally, a notable aspect of this research process was the practicing of reciprocal relationships between researchers and Cree community members. Researchers shared meals with the Cree and stayed overnight at family camps during research excursions. Some land users also gifted geese to the researchers and showed them how to prepare the birds for consumption. These examples exemplify the importance of reciprocity in the knowledge exchange process in Indigenous traditional lifeways.
Eelgrass and seagrass ecosystems hold great ecological and cultural value. Due to a changing climate and multiple anthropogenic factors, eelgrass ecosystems around the world are in great decline. In order to combat this decline and work towards restoring eelgrass ecosystems, it is imperative to incorporate the viewpoints of all knowledgeable and affected individuals to find a lasting solution. In blending Indigenous and Western ways of knowing through Two-Eyed Seeing, these ways of knowing can inform one another. The partnerships between large research institutions and Indigenous Tribes presented above show the potential of Two-Eyed Seeing as a way to create a more holistic and comprehensive approach to conservation. With the hopeful expansion of Two-Eyed Seeing into different scientific fields, the definition of what science is can change from something that is simply about the gathering of knowledge but also the building of relationships that emphasize reciprocity.
References
Community Eelgrass Restoration Initiative. (2023, August 7). Community Eelgrass Restoration Initiative. https://eelgrass.ca/
Denny, S., & Paul, T. Kataq Mi鈥檏maq Ecological Knowledge: Bras d鈥橭r Lakes Eels. (2012). Unama鈥檏i Institute of Natural Resources.
Fink-Mercier, C., Leblanc, M. L., Noisette, F., O鈥機onnor, M., Idrobo, J., B茅langer, S., del Giorgio, P. A., de Melo, M., Ehn, J. K., Giroux, J.-F., Gosselin, M., Leblon, B., Neumeier, U., Sorais, M., Humphries, M. M., Peck, C., Davis, K. E., Guzzi, A., Galindo, V., 鈥 Kuzyk, Z. Z. A. (2024). Cree-driven community-partnered research on coastal ecosystem change in subarctic Canada: a multiple knowledge approach. Arctic Science, 10(4), 731鈥748. https://doi.org/10.1139/as-2023-0061
First Nation and scientists partner to revive climate-saving eelgrass. (2023). In Mongabay Environmental News.
Manca, F., Fern谩ndez-Llamazares, 脕., De la Torre-Castro, M., Groom, R., Lepofsky, D., Pag猫s, J. F., Thomas, D. N., & Cabeza, M. (2026). Indigenous Peoples鈥 stewardship of seagrass ecosystems. Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability, 83, 101686.
Two-Eyed Seeing. (2021). In Two-Eyed Seeing.
Unama鈥檏i Institute of Natural Resources | Cape Breton鈥檚 Mi鈥檏maq voice on natural resources and environmental concerns. (2024). In Uinr.ca.
U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service. (2011). Traditional Ecological Knowledge Fact Sheet | U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service. In www.fws.gov.
